1. Education

Cornelius Nepos: Lives of Eminent Commanders (1886)

pp. 305-450.


Translated by the Rev. John Selby Watson, MA

Preface

1. Miltiades.

2. Themistocles.

3. Aristides.

4. Pausanias.

5. Cimon.

6. Lysander.

7. Alcibiades.

8. Thrasybulus.

9. Conon.

10. Dion.

11. Iphicrates.

12. Chabrias.

13. Timotheus.

14. Datames.

15. Epaminondas.

16. Pelopidas.

17. Agesilaus.

18. Eumenes.

19. Phocion.

20. Timoleon.

21. Of Kings.

22. Hamilcar.

23. Hannibal.

24. Marcus Porcius Cato.  From the second book of Cornelius Nepos.

25. Titus Pomponius Atticus.

Fragments


CORNELIUS NEPOS.

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LIVES OF EMINENT COMMANDERS.

V. CIMON.

Cimon is compelled to go to prison on the death of his father; is liberated by his wife, I.-----His character and actions; he defeats the Persians by land and sea on the same day, II.----Is ostracised and recalled, and makes peace with the Lacedaemonians; his death, III.----His praises, IV.

I. CIMON, the son of Miltiades, an Athenian, experienced a very unhappy entrance on manhood; for as his father had been unable to pay to the people the fine imposed upon him, and had consequently died in the public gaol, Cimon was kept in prison, nor could he, by the Athenian laws,52 be set at liberty, unless he paid the sum of money that his father had been fined. He had married, however, his sister by the father's side,53 named Elpinice, induced not more by love than by custom; for the Athenians are allowed to marry their sisters by the same father; and a certain Callias, a man whose birth was not equal to his wealth, and who had made a great fortune from the mines, being desirous of having her for a wife, tried to prevail on Cimon to resign her to him, saying that if he obtained his desire, he would pay the fine for him. Though Cimon received such a proposal with scorn, Elpinice said that she would not allow a son of Miltiades to die in the public prison, when she could prevent it; and that she would marry Callias if he would perform what he promised.

II. Cimon, being thus set free from confinement, soon attained great eminence; for he had considerable eloquence, |330 the utmost generosity, and great skill, not only in civil law, but in military affairs, as he had been employed from his boyhood with his father in the army. He in consequence held the people of the city under his control, and had great influence over the troops. In his first term of service, on the river Strymon, he put to flight great forces of the Thracians, founded the city of Amphipolis, and sent thither ten thousand Athenian citizens as a colony. He also, in a second expedition, conquered and took at Mycale a fleet of two hundred ships belonging to the Cyprians and Phoenicians, and experienced like good fortune by land on the same day; for after capturing the enemy's vessels, he immediately led out his troops from the fleet, and overthrew at the first onset a vast force of the barbarians. By this victory he obtained a great quantity of spoil; and, as some of the islands, through the rigour of the Athenian government, had revolted from them, he secured the attachment, in the course of his return home, of such as were well disposed, and obliged the disaffected to return to their allegiance. Scyros, which the Dolopes at that time inhabited, he depopulated, because it had behaved itself insolently, ejecting the old settlers from the city and island, and dividing the lands among his own countrymen. The Thasians, who relied upon their wealth, he reduced as soon as he attacked them. With these spoils the citadel of Athens was adorned on the side which looks to the south.

III. When, by these acts, he had attained greater honour in the state than any other man, he fell under the same public odium as his father, and others eminent among the Athenians; for by the votes of the shells, which they call the ostracism, he was condemned to ten years' exile. Of this proceeding the Athenians repented sooner than himself; for after he had submitted, with great fortitude, to the ill-feeling of his ungrateful countrymen, and the Lacedaemonians had declared war against the Athenians, a desire for his well-known bravery immediately ensued. In consequence, he was summoned back to his country five years after he had been banished from it. But as he enjoyed the guest-friendship 54 of the Lacedaemonians, he thought it better to hasten to Sparta, and accordingly |331 proceeded thither of his own accord, and settled a peace between those two most powerful states.

Being sent as commander, not long after, to Cyprus, with a fleet of two hundred ships, he fell sick, after he had conquered the greater part of the island, and died in the town of Citium.

IV. The Athenians long felt regret for him, not only in war, but in time of peace; for he was a man of such liberality, that though he had farms and gardens in several parts, he never set a guard over them for the sake of preserving the fruit, so that none might be hindered from enjoying his property as he pleased. Attendants always followed him with money, that, if any one asked his assistance, he might have something to give him immediately, lest, by putting him off, he should appear to refuse. Frequently, when he saw a man thrown in his way by chance 55 in a shabby dress, he gave him his own cloak. A dinner was dressed for him daily in such abundance, that he could invite all whom he saw in the forum uninvited; a ceremony which he did not fail to observe every day. His protection, his assistance, his pecuniary means, were withheld from none. He enriched many; and he buried at his own cost many poor persons, who at their death had not left sufficient for their interment. In consequence of such conduct, it is not at all surprising that his life was free from trouble, and his death severely felt.

VI. LYSANDER.

Lysander conquers the Athenians, and establishes a decemvirate in the several states of Greece, I ----His cruelty to the Thracians, II.----He endeavours to dethrone the kings of Sparta, and corrupt the various oracles; is brought to trial and acquitted; is killed by the Thebans, III.----Was his own accuser, IV.

I. LYSANDER, the Lacedaemonian, left a high character of himself, which was gained, however, more by good fortune |332 than by merit. That he subdued the Athenians, when they were at war with the Lacedaemonians, in the twenty-sixth year of the contest, is certain; but how he obtained that conquest is but little known; for it was not effected by the valour of his own troops, but by the want of discipline among the enemy, who, from not being obedient to the commands of their leaders, but straggling about in the fields, and abandoning their vessels, fell into the power of their adversaries; in consequence of which disaster the Athenians submitted to the Lacedaemonians.

Lysander, elated with this victory, and having always before been a factious and bold man, allowed himself such liberty, that the Lacedaemonians, through his conduct, incurred the greatest unpopularity throughout Greece; for they having said that their object in going to war was to humble the overbearing tyranny of the Athenians, Lysander, after he had captured the enemy's fleet at Aegospotamos, endeavoured after nothing so much as to keep all the states of Greece under his authority, while he pretended that he acted thus for the sake of the Lacedaemonians. Having every where ejected those who favoured the party of the Athenians, he made choice of ten men in each city, on whom he conferred supreme authority, and the control of all proceedings. Into the number of these no one was admitted who was not attached to him by friendship, or who had not assured him, by pledging his faith, that he would be entirely at his disposal.

II. The decemviral government being thus established in every city, everything was done according to his pleasure. Of his cruelty and perfidy it is sufficient to give one instance, by way of example, that we may not weary our readers by enumerating many acts of the same individual. As he was returning in triumph from Asia, and had turned aside towards Thasos, he endeavoured, as the people had been eminent for fidelity to the Athenians, to corrupt them,56 as if those were wont to be the firmest friends who had been steady enemies. But he saw that unless he concealed his intention in the affair, |333 the Thasians would elude him, and take measures for their own interests. Accordingly 57 ....

III. The decemviral government, which had been appointed by him, his countrymen abolished. Incensed at this affront, he entered upon measures to remove the kings of the Lacedaemonians; but he found that he could not effect his object without support from the gods, because the Lacedaemonians were accustomed to refer everything to the oracles. In the first place, therefore, he endeavoured to corrupt Delphi, and, when he could not succeed in doing so, he made an attempt upon Dodona. Being disappointed there also, he gave out that he had made vows which he must pay to Jupiter Ammon, thinking that he would bribe the Africans with greater ease. When he had gone, accordingly, with this expectation into Africa, the priests of Jupiter greatly disappointed him, for they not only would not be bribed, but even sent deputies to Lacedaemon to accuse Lysander of "having endeavoured to corrupt the ministers of the temple." After being brought to trial on this charge, and being acquitted by the votes of his judges, he was sent with some auxiliary troops to the Orchomenians, and killed by the Thebans at Haliartus. How just was the decision regarding him,58 the speech was a proof, which was found in his house after his death, and in which he recommended to the Lacedaemonians, that, after they had abolished the regal government, a leader should be chosen from among the whole people to conduct the war; but it was written in such a manner, that it might seem to be in |334 accordance with the advice of the gods, which he, relying on his money, did not doubt that he should procure. This speech Cleon of Halicarnassus is said to have written for him

IV. In this place a transaction of Pharnabazus, the king's satrap, must not be omitted. When Lysander, as commander of the fleet, had done many cruel and avaricious acts in the course of the war, and suspected that reports of these proceedings had been made to his countrymen, he asked Pharnabazus to give him a testimonial to present to the Ephori, showing with what conscientiousnes he had carried on the war and treated the allies, begging him to write fully concerning the matter, as his authority on that head would be great. Pharnabazus promised him fairly, and wrote a long and full letter,59 in which he extolled him with the greatest praises. But when Lysander had read and approved of it, Pharnabazus substituted, while it was being sealed, another of the same size in its place, so like it that it could not be distinguished from it, in which he had most circumstantially accused him of avarice and perfidy. Lysander, accordingly, when he had returned home, and had said what he wished before the chief magistrates, handed them, as a testimonial, the letter which he had received from Pharnabazus. The Ephori, after having perused it when Lysander was withdrawn, gave it to him to read. Thus he became unawares his own accuser.  

39. * Obtrectârunt inter se.] Diepoliteu&santo: they supported opposite parties in the state. So in the Life of Epaminondas, c. 5, it is said that he had Meneclides for an obtrectator. Such obtrectationes are called by Vell. Pat. ii. 43, civiles contentiones, and by Val. Max. iii. 8, acerrimi studii in administratione Reipublicae dissidia.----Gebhard. Plutarch says, that according to some there were dissensions between Aristides and Themistocles from their earliest years, so that in all their communications, whether on graver or lighter topics, the one always opposed the other.----Buchner.

40. † Abstinente.] That is, abstaining from the property of others; moderation; disinterestedness.

41. ‡ Priusquam poenâ liberaretur.] Before he was freed from the punishment (of exile).

42. * At the commencement of this chapter I have departed from Bos's text, and followed that of Freund and others, who make it begin with Quos quo facilius repellerent, &c.

43. * Plurima miscere.] To mingle, or throw into confusion, very many things.

44. † Book i. c. 128.

45. * Cum scytala.] The scytala was a staff, round which a slip of parchment being rolled obliquely, the orders of the Ephori were written on it longitudinally, so that, when unrolled, they could not be read until the parchment was again rolled round a staff of the same thickness, which the general had with him.

46. † More illorum. ] That is, with extreme brevity.

47. * Regi.] Pausanias was not actually a king, but guardian to the young prince Pleistarchus, the son of Leonidas. Thucyd. i. 132.

48. † Argilius.] A native of Argilus, a town of Thrace on the Strymonic Gulf.

49. ‡ Amore venereo.] See the note on amatores in the preface.

50. § Vincula epistolae laxavit.] Letters were tied round with a string, which was sealed, probably, over the knot. The Argilian, according to Nepos, contrived to take off the string without breaking the seal, so that he might readily replace it.

51. * Quae Chalcioecos vocatur.] Whether the quae refers to aedem of Minervae, the critics are not agreed. Thucydides, i. 134, to_ i9ero_n th~j Xalkioi/kou, makes it apparent that it should be referred to Minerva. But Bos and Bremi concur in referring it to aedes.

52. * Neque legibus Atheniensibus emitti poterat.] Yet by Justin, ii. 15, Val. Maximus, v. 3 ext. 3, and v. 4 ext. 2, Seneca, Controvers. 24, and others, it has been said that Cimon's submission to go to prison was voluntary. Bos collects ample testimony to the contrary.

53. † See note on the preface.

54. * Hospitio.] See note on Themistocles, c. 8. Hospitium, might exist between two states, or between a state and a private individual, as well as between two individuals.

55. * Offensum fortuna.] That is, casu obvium, fortuito oblatum, "thrown in his way by chance," as Heusinger explains it in his note on the passage.----Fischer. This explanation is also approved by Boeclerus and Freinshemius. Lambinus erroneously interpreted it cui fortuna esset iniqua, and several others have trodden in his steps.

56. * Pervertere.] "Corrupt" is evidently the sense of pervertere in this passage, not "destroy," as some would make it. Lysander first endeavoured to corrupt the fidelity of the Thasians to the Athenians, and afterwards, when he found his endeavours unsuccessful, proceeded to use treachery and cruelty towards them.

57. * The account of Lysander's treachery to the Thasians is wanting in the manuscripts, but may be supplied from Polyaenus, i. 45. Those of the Thasians who had the greatest reason to fear Lysander, had fled to a temple of Hercules, which was held in the greatest veneration. At this temple Lysander called them all together to hear him address them, when he made them a speech full of the fairest promises of mercy and clemency. He said that he would think nothing of what was past; that no one had cause for fear or concealment; that they might all appear before him with full confidence in his good feelings towards them; and that he called Hercules, in whose temple they were, to witness that he spoke only what he meant. Having thus drawn them forth from their sanctuary, he, a few days after, when they were free from apprehension, fell upon them and put them to death. "He was guilty of a similar instance of perfidy at Miletus," says Bos, "as is also related by Polyaenus, and by Plutarch."

58. † Quàm verè de eo foret judicatum.] That is, how little he deserved acquittal.

59. * Librum graveni multis verbis.] "A heavy letter in many words."

This text was transcribed by Roger Pearse, Ipswich, UK, 2003. All material on this page is in the public domain - copy freely.

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