| Plutarch's Parallel Lives | |
| The Boys' and Girls' Plutarch | |
|
CICERO It is generally said that Helvia, the mother of Cicero, was well
born; but of his father nothing is reported but in extremes. For
whilst some would have him the son of a fuller, and educated in
that trade, others carry back the origin of his family to Tullus
Attius, an illustrious king of the Volscians, who waged war not
without honor against the Romans. However, he who first of that
house was surnamed Cicero seems to have been a person worthy to be
remembered; since those who succeeded him not only did not reject,
but were fond of that name, though vulgarly made a matter of
reproach. For the Latins call a vetch Cicer, and a nick or dent at
the tip of his nose, which resembled the opening in a vetch, gave
him the surname of Cicero. Cicero, whose story I am writing, is said to have replied with
spirit to some of his friends, who recommended him to lay aside or
change the name when he first stood for office and engaged in
politics, that he would make it his endeavor to render the name of
Cicero more glorious than that of the Scauri and Catuli. And when
he was quaestor in Sicily, and was making an offering of silver
plate to the gods, and had inscribed his two names, Marcus and
Tullius, instead of the third, he jestingly told the artificer to
engrave the figure of a vetch by them. Cicero was born on the third of January, the same day on which now
the magistrates of Rome pray and sacrifice for the emperor. As
soon as he was of an age to begin to have lessons, he became so
distinguished for his talent, and got such a name and reputation
amongst the boys, that their fathers would often visit the school,
that they might see young Cicero, and might be able to say that
they themselves had witnessed the quickness and readiness in
learning for which he was renowned. And the more rude among them
used to be angry with their children, to see them, as they walked
together, receiving Cicero with respect into the middle place. And
being, as Plato would have the scholar-like and philosophical
temper, eager for every kind of learning, and indisposed to no
description of knowledge or instruction, he showed, however, a
more peculiar propensity to poetry; and there is a poem now
extant, made by him when a boy, in tetrameter verse, called
Pontius Glaucus. And afterwards, when he applied himself more
curiously to these accomplishments, he had the name of being not
only the best orator, but also the best poet of Rome. And the
glory of his rhetoric still remains, notwithstanding the many new
modes in speaking since his time; but his verses are forgotten and
out of all repute, so many ingenious poets have followed him. Leaving his juvenile studies, he became an auditor of Philo the
Academic, whom the Romans, above all the other scholars of
Clitomachus, admired for his eloquence and loved for his
character. He also sought the company of the Mucii, who were
eminent statesmen and leaders in the senate, and acquired from
them a knowledge of the laws. For some short time he served in
arms under Sylla, in the Marsian war. But perceiving the
commonwealth running into factions, and from faction all things
tending to an absolute monarchy, he betook himself to a retired
and contemplative life, and conversing with the learned Greeks,
devoted himself to study, till Sylla had obtained the government. At this time, Chrysogonus, Sylla's emancipated slave, having laid
an information about an estate belonging to one who was said to
have been put to death by proscription, had bought it himself for
two thousand drachmas. And when Roscius, the son and heir of the
dead, complained, and demonstrated the estate to be worth two
hundred and fifty talents, Sylla took it angrily to have his
actions questioned, and preferred a process against Roscius for
the murder of his father, Chrysogonus managing the evidence. None
of the advocates durst assist him, but fearing the cruelty of
Sylla, avoided the cause. The young man, being thus deserted, came
for refuge to Cicero. Cicero's friends encouraged him, saying he
was not likely ever to have a fairer and more honorable
introduction to public life; he therefore undertook the defence,
carried the cause, and got much renown for it. But fearing Sylla, he traveled into Greece, and gave it out that
he did so for the benefit of his health. And indeed he was lean
and meagre, and had such a weakness in his stomach that he could
take nothing but a spare and thin diet, and that not till late in
the evening. His voice was loud and good, but so harsh and ill-
managed that in vehemence and heat of speaking he always raised it
to so high a tone, that there seemed to be reason to fear for his
health. At Athens, he became a hearer of Antiochus of Ascalon, with whose
fluency and elegance of diction he was much taken, although he did
not approve of his innovations in doctrine. And Cicero made up his
mind that if he should be disappointed of any employment in the
commonwealth, to retire from pleading and politics, and pass his
life quietly in the study of philosophy. But after he had received the news of Sylla's death, and his body,
strengthened again by exercise, had grown vigorous, and his voice
was rendered sweet and full to the ear, his friends at Rome
earnestly solicited him by letters to return to public affairs.
He, therefore, again prepared for use his orator's instrument of
rhetoric, and summoned into action his political faculties,
diligently exercising himself in declamations, and attending the
most celebrated rhetoricians of the time. He sailed from Athens
for Asia and Rhodes. Among the Asian masters, he conversed with
Xenocles of Adramyttium, Dionysius of Magnesia, and Menippus of
Caria; at Rhodes, he studied oratory with Apollonius, the son of
Molon, and philosophy with Posidonius. Apollonius, we are told,
not understanding Latin, requested Cicero to declaim in Greek. He
complied willingly, thinking that his faults would thus be better
pointed out to him. After he finished, all his other hearers were
astonished, and vied with each other in praising him, but
Apollonius showed no signs of excitement while he was hearing him,
and now, when he had finished, sat musing for some time, without
any remark. And when Cicero was discomposed at this, he said, "You
have my praise and admiration, Cicero, and Greece my pity and
commiseration, since those arts and that eloquence which are the
only glories that remain to her, will now be transferred by you to
Rome." And now when Cicero, full of expectation, was again bent upon
political affairs, a certain oracle blunted the edge of his
inclination; for consulting the god of Delphi how he should attain
most glory, the Pythoness answered, "By making your own genius and
not the opinion of the people the guide of your life;" and
therefore at first he passed his time in Rome cautiously, and was
very backward in pretending to public offices, so that he was at
that time in little esteem, and had got the names, so readily
given by low and ignorant people in Rome, of Greek and Scholar.
But when his own desire of fame and the eagerness of his father
and relations had made him take in earnest to pleading, he made no
slow or gentle advance to the first place, but shone out in full
lustre at once, and far surpassed all the advocates at the bar. At
first, it is said, he as well as Demosthenes, was defective in his
delivery, and on that account paid much attention to the
instructions, sometimes of Roscius, the comedian, and sometimes of
Aesop, the tragedian. They tell of this Aesop, that while
representing in the theatre Atreus deliberating the revenge of
Thyestes, he was so transported beyond himself in the heat of
action, that he struck with his sceptre one of the servants, who
was running across the stage, so violently, that he laid him dead
upon the place. And such afterwards was Cicero's delivery, that it
did not a little contribute to render his eloquence persuasive. He
used to ridicule loud speakers, saying that they shouted because
they could not speak, like lame men who get on horseback because
they cannot walk. And his readiness and address in wit and sarcasm
were thought to suit a pleader well. He was appointed quaestor in a great scarcity of corn, and had
Sicily for his province, where, at first, he displeased many, by
compelling them to send in their provisions to Rome, yet after
they had had experience of his care, justice, and clemency, they
honored him more than ever they did any of their governors before.
It happened, also, that some young Romans of good and noble
families, charged with neglect of discipline and misconduct in
military service, were brought before the praetor in Sicily.
Cicero undertook their defence, which he conducted admirably, and
got them acquitted. So returning to Rome with a great opinion of
himself for these things, a ludicrous incident befell him, as he
tells us himself. Meeting an eminent citizen in Campania, whom he
accounted his friend, he asked him what the Romans said and
thought of his actions, as if the whole city had been filled with
the glory of what he had done. His friend asked him in reply,
"Where is it you have been, Cicero?" Utterly mortified and cast
down, he perceived that the report of his actions had sunk into
the city of Rome as into an immense ocean, without any visible
effect or result in reputation. On beginning to apply himself more resolutely to public business,
he remarked it as unreasonable that artificers, using vessels and
instruments inanimate, should know the name, place, and use of
every one of them, and yet the statesman, whose instruments for
carrying out public measures are men, should be negligent and
careless in the knowledge of persons. And so he not only
acquainted himself with the names, but also knew the very place
where every one of the more eminent citizens dwelt, what lands he
possessed, his friends and his neighbors, and when he traveled on
any road in Italy, he could readily name and show the estates and
seats of his acquaintances. Having a small competency for his own
expenses, it was much wondered at that he took neither fees nor
gifts from his clients, and especially, that he did not do so when
he undertook the prosecution of Verres. This Verres, who had been
praetor of Sicily, and stood charged by the Sicilians with many
evil practices during his government there, Cicero succeeded in
getting condemned, not by speaking, but, as it were, by holding
his tongue. For the praetors, favoring Verres, had deferred the
trial by several adjournments to the last day, in which it was
evident there could not be sufficient time for the advocates to be
heard, and the cause brought to an issue. Cicero, therefore, came
forward, and said there was no need of speeches; and after
producing and examining witnesses, he required the judges to
proceed to sentence. Many witty sayings are on record, as having
been used by Cicero on the occasion. When a man named Caecilius,
one of the freed slaves, who was said to be given to Jewish
practices, would have put by the Sicilians, and undertaken the
prosecution of Verres himself, Cicero asked, "What has a Jew to do
with swine?" verres being the Roman word for a boar. And when
Verres began to reproach Cicero with effeminate living, "You
ought," replied he, "to use this language at home, to your sons;"
Verres having a son who had fallen into disgraceful courses.
Hortensius, the orator, not daring directly to undertake the
defence of Verres, was yet persuaded to appear for him at the
laying on of the fine, and received an ivory sphinx for his
reward; and when Cicero, in some passage of his speech, obliquely
reflected on him, and Hortensius told him he was not skilful in
solving riddles, "No," said Cicero, "and yet you have the Sphinx
in your house!" Verres was thus convicted; though Cicero, who set the fine at
seventy-five myriads, lay under the suspicion of being corrupted
by bribery to lessen the sum. But the Sicilians, in testimony of
their gratitude, came and brought him all sorts of presents from
the island, when he was aedile; of which he made no private profit
himself, but used their generosity only to reduce the public price
of provisions. He had a very pleasant seat at Arpi, he had also a farm near
Naples, and another near Pompeii, but none were of any great
value. The portion of his wife, Terentia, amounted to ten myriads,
and he had a bequest valued at nine myriads of denarii: upon these
he lived in a liberal but temperate style, with the learned Greeks
and Romans that were his familiars. He rarely, if at any time, sat
down to meat till sunset, and that not so much on account of
business as for his health and the weakness of his stomach. He was
otherwise in the care of his body nice and delicate, appointing
himself, for example, a set number of walks and rubbings. And
after this manner managing the habit of his body, he brought it in
time to be healthful, and capable of supporting many great
fatigues and trials. His father's house he made over to his
brother, living himself near the Palatine Hill, that he might not
give the trouble of long journeys to those that made suit to him.
And, indeed, there were not fewer daily appearing at his door, to
do their court to him, than there were that came to Crassus for
his riches, or to Pompey for his power among the soldiers, these
being at that time the two men of the greatest repute and
influence in Rome. Nay, even Pompey himself used to pay court to
Cicero, and Cicero's public actions did much to establish Pompey's
authority and reputation in the state. Numerous distinguished competitors stood with him for the
praetor's office; but he was chosen before them all, and managed
the decision of causes with justice and integrity. It is related
that Licinius Macer, a man himself of great power in the city, and
supported also by the assistance of Crassus, was accused before
him of extortion, and that, in confidence on his own interest and
the diligence of his friends, whilst the judges were debating
about the sentence, he went to his house, where hastily trimming
his hair and putting on a clean gown, as already acquitted, he was
setting off again to go to the Forum; but at his hall door meeting
Crassus, who told him that he was condemned by all the votes, he
went in again, threw himself upon his bed, and died immediately.
This verdict was considered very creditable to Cicero, as showing
his careful management of the courts of justice. Yet he was preferred to the consulship no less by the nobles than
the common people for the good of the city; and both parties
jointly assisted his promotion, for the following reasons. The
change of government made by Sylla, which at first seemed a
senseless one, by time and usage had now come to be considered by
the people no unsatisfactory settlement. But there were some that
endeavored to alter and subvert the whole present state of
affairs, not from any good motives, but for their own private
gain; and Pompey being at this time employed in the wars with the
kings of Pontus and Armenia, there was no sufficient force at Rome
to suppress any attempts at a revolution. These people had for
their head a man of bold, daring, and restless character, Lucius
Catiline, who was accused, besides other great offences, of
killing his own brother; and fearing to be prosecuted at law, he
persuaded Sylla to set his brother down, as though he were yet
alive, amongst those that were to be put to death by proscription.
This man the profligate citizens choosing for their captain, gave
faith to one another, amongst other pledges, by sacrificing a man
and eating of his flesh; and a great part of the young men of the
city were corrupted by him, he providing for every one pleasures
and drink, and profusely supplying the expense of their debauches.
Etruria, moreover, had all been excited to revolt, as well as a
great part of Gaul within the Alps. But Rome itself was in the
most dangerous inclination to change on account of the unequal
distribution of wealth and property, those of highest rank and
greatest spirit having impoverished themselves by shows,
entertainments, running for office, and sumptuous buildings, and
the riches of the city had thus fallen into the hands of mean and
low-born persons. So that it required but a slight impetus to set
all in motion, it being in the power of any daring man to overturn
a sickly commonwealth. Catiline, however, being desirous of procuring a strong position
to carry out his designs, stood for the consulship, and had great
hopes of success, thinking he should be appointed, with Caius
Antonius as his colleague, who was a man fit to lead neither in a
good cause nor in a bad one, but might be a valuable accession to
another's power. The greater part of the good and honest citizens
apprehending these things, put Cicero upon standing for the
consulship; whom the people readily receiving, Catiline was put
by, so that he and Caius Antonius were chosen, although amongst
the competitors he was the only man descended from the father of
the equestrian, and not of the senatorial, order. Though the designs of Catiline were not yet publicly known, yet
considerable trouble immediately followed Cicero's entrance upon
the consulship. For, on the one side, those who were disqualified
by the laws of Sylla from holding any public offices, being
neither inconsiderable in power nor in number, came forward as
candidates and entreated the people; on the other hand, the
tribunes of the people proposed laws to the same purpose,
constituting a commission of ten persons, with unlimited powers,
in whom as supreme governors should be vested the right of selling
the public lands of all Italy and Syria and Pompey's new
conquests, of judging and banishing whom they pleased, of planting
colonies, of taking money out of the treasury, and of levying and
paying what soldiers should be though needful. And several of the
nobility favored this law, but especially Caius Antonius, Cicero's
colleague, in hopes of being one of the ten. But what gave the
greatest fear to the nobles was, that he was thought privy to the
conspiracy of Catiline, and not to dislike it because of his great
debts. Cicero, endeavoring in the first place to provide a remedy against
this danger, procured a decree assigning to Antonius the province
of Macedonia, he himself declining that of Gaul, which was offered
to him. And this piece of favor so completely won over Antonius,
that he was ready to second, like a hired player, whatever Cicero
said for the good of the country. And now, having made his
colleague tame and tractable, he could with greater courage attack
the conspirators. Therefore, in the senate, making an oration
against the law of the ten commissioners, he so confounded those
who proposed it, that they had nothing to reply. For Cicero, it may be said, was the one man, above all others, who
made the Romans feel how great a charm eloquence lends to what is
good, and how invincible justice is if it be well presented. An
incident occurred in the theatre, during his consulship, which
showed what his speaking could do. Formerly the knights of Rome
were mingled in the theatre with the common people, and took their
places amongst them just as it happened; but when Marcus Otho
became praetor he distinguished them from the other citizens, and
appointed them special seats, which they still enjoy as their
place in the theatre. This the common people took as an indignity
done to them, and, therefore, when Otho appeared in the theatre
they hissed him; the knights, on the contrary, received him with
loud clapping. The people repeated and increased their hissing;
the knights continued their clapping. Upon this, turning upon one
another, they broke out into insulting words, so that the theatre
was in great disorder. Cicero, being informed of it, came himself
to the theatre, and summoning the people into the temple of
Bellona, he so effectually chid and chastised them for it, that,
again returning into the theatre, they received Otho with loud
applause, contending with the knights as to who should give him
the greatest demonstrations of honor and respect. The conspirators with Catiline, at first cowed and disheartened,
began presently to take courage again. And assembling together,
they exhorted one another boldly to undertake the design before
Pompey's return. But the old soldiers of Sylla were Catiline's
chief stimulus to action. They had been disbanded all about Italy,
but the greatest number and the fiercest of them lay scattered
among the cities of Etruria entertaining themselves with dreams of
new plunder and rapine among the hoarded riches of Italy. These,
having for their leader Manlius, who had served with distinction
in the wars under Sylla, joined themselves to Catiline, and came
to Rome to assist him with their suffrages at the election. For he
again aspired for the consulship, having resolved to kill Cicero
in a tumult at the elections. The divine powers seemed to give
intimation of the coming troubles, by earthquakes, thunderbolts
and strange appearances. Nor was human evidence wanting, certain
enough in itself, though not sufficient to convict the noble and
powerful Catiline. Therefore Cicero, deferring the day of
election, summoned Catiline into the senate, and questioned him as
to the charges made against him. Catiline, believing there were
many in the senate desirous of change, and to give a specimen of
himself to the conspirators present, returned an audacious answer.
"What harm," said he, "when I see two bodies, the one lean and
consumptive with a head, the other one great and strong without
one, if I put a head to that body which wants one?" This covert
representation of the senate and the people excited yet greater
apprehensions in Cicero. He put on armor, and was attended from
his house by the noble citizens in a body; and a number of the
young men went with him into the Plain. Here, designedly letting
his tunic slip partly off from his shoulders, he showed his armor
underneath, and discovered his danger to the spectators, who,
being much moved at it, gathered around about him for his defence.
At length, Catiline was by general suffrage again put by, and
Silanus and Murena chosen consuls. Not long after this, Catiline's soldiers got together in a body in
Etruria, and began to form themselves into companies, the day
appointed for the design being near at hand. About midnight, some
of the principal and most powerful citizens of Rome, Marcus,
Crassus, Marcus Marcellus, and Scipio Metellus went to Cicero's
house, where, knocking at the gate, and calling up the porter,
they commanded him to awake Cicero, and tell him they were there.
The business was this: Crassus's porter after supper had delivered
to him letters brought by an unknown person. Some of them were
directed to others, but one to Crassus, without a name; this only
Crassus read, which informed him that there was a great slaughter
intended by Catiline, and advised him to leave the city. The
others he did not open, but went with them immediately to Cicero,
being affrighted at the danger, and to free himself of the
suspicion he lay under for his familiarity with Catiline. Cicero,
considering the matter, summoned the senate at break of day. The
letters he brought with him, and delivered them to those to whom
they were directed, commanding them to read them publicly; they
all alike contained an account of the conspiracy. And when Quintus
Arrius, a man of praetorian dignity, recounted to them, how
soldiers were collecting in companies in Etruria, and Manlius was
stated to be in motion with a large force, hovering about those
cities, in expectation of intelligence from Rome, the senate made
a decree to place all in the hands of the consuls, who should
undertake the conduct of everything, and do their best to save the
state. This was not a common thing, but only done by the senate in
cases of imminent danger. After Cicero had received this power, he committed all affairs
outside to Quintus Metellus; but the management of the city he
kept in his own hands. Such a numerous attendance guarded him
every day when he went abroad that the greater part of the forum
was filled with his train when he entered it. Catiline, impatient
of further delay, resolved himself to break forth and go to
Manlius; but he commanded Marcius and Cethegus to take their
swords and go early in the morning to Cicero's gates, as if only
intending to salute him, and then to fall upon him and slay him. A
noble lady, Fulvia, coming by night, discovered this to Cicero,
bidding him beware of Cethegus and Marcius. They came by break of
day, and being denied entrance, made an outcry and disturbance at
the gates, which excited all the more suspicion. But Cicero, going
forth, summoned the senate into the temple of Jupiter Stator,
which stands at the end of the Sacred Street, going up to the
Palatine. And when Catiline with others of his party also came, as
though intending to make his defence, none of the senators would
sit by him, but all of them left the bench where he had placed
himself. And when he began to speak, they interrupted him with
outcries. At length, Cicero, standing up, commanded him to leave
the city; for, since one governed the commonwealth with words, the
other with arms, it was necessary that there should be a wall
betwixt them. Catiline, therefore, immediately left the town, with
three hundred armed men; and assuming, like a magistrate, the
rods, axes, and military ensigns, he went to Manlius, and having
got together a body of near twenty thousand men, with these he
marched to the several cities, endeavoring to persuade or force
them to revolt. It being now come to open war, Antonius was sent
forth to fight him. The remainder of those in the city whom he had corrupted,
Cornelius Lentulus kept together and encouraged. He had the
surname Sura, and was a man of a noble family, but a dissolute
liver, who for his debauchery was formerly turned out of the
senate, and was now holding the office of praetor for the second
time, as the custom is with those who desire to regain the dignity
of senator. It is said that he got the surname Sura upon this
occasion; being quaestor in the time of Sylla, he had lavished
away and consumed a great quantity of the public moneys, at which
Sylla, being provoked, called him to give an account in the
senate. He appeared with great coolness and contempt, and said he
had no account to give, but they might take this, holding up the
calf of his leg, as boys do at ball, when they have missed. Upon
which he was surnamed Sura, sura being the Roman word for the calf
of the leg. Being at another time prosecuted at law, and having
bribed some of the judges, he escaped by only two votes, and
complained of the needless expense he had gone to in paying for a
second, as one would have sufficed to acquit him. This man, such
in his own nature, and now inflamed by Catiline, false prophets
and fortune-tellers had also corrupted with vain hopes, quoting to
him fictitious verses and oracles, and proving from the Sibylline
prophecies that there were three of the name Cornelius designed by
fate to be monarchs of Rome; two of whom, Cinna and Sylla, had
already fulfilled the decree, and that divine fortune was now
advancing with the gift of monarchy for the remaining third
Cornelius; and that therefore he ought by all means to accept it,
and not lose opportunity by delay, as Catiline had done. Lentulus, therefore, designed no mean or trivial matter, for he
had resolved to kill the whole senate, and as many other citizens
as he could, to fire the city, and spare nobody, except Pompey's
children, intending to seize and keep them as pledges of his
reconciliation with Pompey. For there was then a common report
that Pompey was on his way homeward from his great expedition. The
night appointed for the design was one of the Saturnalia; swords,
flax, and sulphur they carried and hid in the house of Cethegus;
and providing one hundred men, and dividing the city into as many
parts, they had allotted to every one singly his proper place, so
that in a moment, many kindling the fire, the city might be in a
flame all together. Others were appointed to stop up the
aqueducts, and to kill those who should endeavor to carry water to
put it out. While these plans were preparing, it happened that
there were two ambassadors from the Allobroges staying in Rome; a
nation at that time in a distressed condition, and very uneasy
under the Roman government. These Lentulus and his party, judging
useful instruments to move Gaul to revolt, admitted into the
conspiracy, and they gave them letters to their own magistrates,
and letters to Catiline; in those they promised liberty, in these
they exhorted Catiline to set all slaves free, and to bring them
along with him to Rome. They sent also to accompany them to
Catiline, one Titus, a native of Croton, who was to carry those
letters to him. These counsels of inconsidering men, who conversed together over
their wine, Cicero watched with sober industry and forethought,
and with most admirable sagacity, having several emissaries
abroad, who observed and traced with him all that was done, and
keeping also a secret correspondence with many who pretended to
join in the conspiracy. He thus knew all the discourse which
passed between them and the strangers; and lying in wait for them
by night, he took the Crotonian with his letters, the ambassadors
of the Allobroges acting secretly in concert with him. By break of day, he summoned the senate into the temple of
Concord, where he read the letters and examined the informers.
Junius Silanus further stated that several persons had heard
Cethegus say that three consuls and four praetors were to be
slain; Piso, also, a person of consular dignity, testified other
matters of like nature; and Caius Sulpicius, one of the praetors,
being sent to Cethegus's house, found there a quantity of darts
and of armor, and a still greater number of swords and daggers,
all recently whetted. At length, the senate, decreeing indemnity
to the Crotonian upon his confession of the whole matter, Lentulus
was convicted, abjured his office (for he was then praetor), and
put off his robe edged with purple in the senate, changing it for
another garment more agreeable to his present circumstances. He,
thereupon, with the rest of his confederates present, was
committed to the charge of the praetors in free custody. It being evening, and the common people in crowds expecting
without, Cicero went forth to them, and told them what was done,
and then, attended by them, went to the house of a friend and near
neighbor; for his own was taken up by the women, who were
celebrating with secret rites the feast of the goddess whom the
Romans call the Good, and the Greeks, the Women's goddess. For a
sacrifice is annually performed to her in the consul's house,
either by his wife or mother, in the presence of the vestal
virgins. And having got into his friend's house privately, a few
only being present, he began to deliberate how he should treat
these men. The severest and the only punishment fit for such
heinous crimes, he was somewhat shy and fearful of inflicting, as
well from the clemency of his nature, as also lest he should be
thought to exercise his authority too insolently, and to treat too
harshly men of the noblest birth and most powerful friendships in
the city; and yet, if he should use them more mildly, he had a
dreadful prospect of danger from them. For there was no likelihood
that, if they suffered less than death, they would be reconciled,
but, rather, adding new rage to their former wickedness, they
would rush into every kind of audacity, while he himself, whose
character for courage already did not stand very high with the
multitude, would be thought guilty of the greatest cowardice and
want of manliness. While Cicero was in doubt what course to take, a portent happened
to the women in their sacrificing. For on the altar, where the
fire seemed wholly extinguished, a great and bright flame issued
forth from the ashes of the burnt wood; at which others were
affrighted, but the holy virgins called to Terentia, Cicero's
wife, and bade her hasten to her husband, and command him to
execute what he had resolved for the good of his country, for the
goddess had sent a great light to the increase of his safety and
glory. Terentia, therefore, as she was otherwise in her own nature
neither tender-hearted nor timorous, but a woman eager for
distinction (who, as Cicero himself says, would rather thrust
herself into his public affairs than communicate her domestic
matters to him), told him these things, and excited him against
the conspirators. So also did Quintus his brother, and Publius
Nigidius, one of his philosophical friends, whom he often made use
of in his most weighty affairs of state. The next day, a debate arising in the senate about the punishment
of the men, Silanus, being the first who was asked his opinion,
said, it was fit that they should be all sent to prison, and there
suffer the utmost penalty. With him all agreed in order till it
came to Caius Caesar, who was afterwards dictator. He was then but
a young man, and only at the outset of his career, but had already
directed his hopes and policy to that course by which he
afterwards changed the Roman state into a monarchy. When it came Caesar's turn to give his opinion, he stood up and
proposed that the conspirators should not be put to death, but
their estates confiscated, and their persons confined in such
cities in Italy as Cicero should approve, there to be kept in
custody till Catiline was conquered. To this sentence, as it was
the most moderate, and he that delivered it a most powerful
speaker, Cicero himself gave no small weight, for he stood up and,
turning the scale on either side, spoke in favor partly of the
former, partly of Caesar's sentence. And all Cicero's friends,
judging Caesar's sentence most expedient for Cicero, because he
would incur the less blame if the conspirators were not put to
death, chose rather the latter; so that Silanus, also, changing
his mind, retracted his opinion, and said he had not declared for
capital, but only the utmost punishment, which to a Roman senator
is imprisonment. The first man who spoke against Caesar's motion
was Catulus Lutatius. Cato followed, and so vehemently urged in
his speech the strong suspicion about Caesar himself, and so
filled the senate with anger and resolution, that a decree was
passed for the execution of the conspirators. But Caesar opposed
the confiscation of their goods, not thinking it fair that those
who had rejected the mildest part of his sentence should avail
themselves of the severest. And when many insisted upon it, he
appealed to the tribunes, but they would do nothing; till Cicero
himself yielding, remitted that part of the sentence. After this, Cicero went out with the senate to the conspirators;
they were not all together in one place, but the several praetors
had them, some one, some another, in custody. And first he took
Lentulus from the Palatine, and brought him by the Sacred Street,
through the middle of the market-place, a circle of the most
eminent citizens encompassing and protecting him. The people,
affrighted at what was doing, passed along in silence, especially
the young men; as if, with fear and trembling, they were
undergoing a rite of initiation into some ancient, sacred
mysteries of aristocratic power. Thus passing from the market-
place, and coming to the gaol, he delivered Lentulus to the
officer, and commanded him to execute him; and after him Cethegus,
and so all the rest in order, he brought and delivered up to
execution. And when he saw many of the conspirators in the market-
place, still standing together in companies, ignorant of what was
done, and waiting for the night, supposing the men were still
alive and in a possibility of being rescued, he called out in a
loud voice, and said, "They did live"; for so the Romans, to avoid
inauspicious language, name those that are dead. It was now evening, when he returned from the market-place to his
own house, the citizens no longer attending him with silence, nor
in order, but receiving him, as he passed, with acclamations and
applauses, and saluting him as the savior and founder of his
country. A bright light shone through the streets from the lamps
and torches set up at the doors, and the women showed lights from
the tops of the houses, to honor Cicero, and to behold him
returning home with a splendid train of the principal citizens;
amongst whom were many who had conducted great wars, celebrated
triumphs, and added to the possessions of the Roman empire, both
by sea and land. These, as they passed along with him,
acknowledged to one another, that though the Roman people were
indebted to several officers and commanders of that age for
riches, spoils, and power, yet to Cicero alone they owed the
safety and security of all these, for delivering them from so
great and imminent a danger. For though it might seem no wonderful
thing to prevent the design, and punish the conspirators, yet to
defeat the greatest of all conspiracies with so little
disturbance, trouble, and commotion, was very extraordinary. For
the greater part of those who had flocked in to Catiline, as soon
as they heard of the fate of Lentulus and Cethegus, forsook him,
and he himself, with his remaining forces, joining battle with
Antonius, was destroyed with his army. And yet there were some who were very ready both to speak ill of
Cicero, and to do him hurt for these actions; and they had for
their leaders some of the magistrates of the ensuing year, as
Caesar, who was one of the praetors, and Metellus and Bestia, the
tribunes. These, entering upon their office some few days before
Cicero's consulate expired, would not permit him to make any
address to the people, but, throwing the benches before the
Rostra, hindered his speaking, telling him he might, if he
pleased, make the oath of withdrawal from office, and then come
down again. Cicero, accordingly, accepting the conditions, came
forward to make his withdrawal; and silence being made, he recited
his oath, not in the usual, but in a new and peculiar form,
namely, that he had saved his country, and preserved the empire;
the truth of which oath all the people confirmed with theirs.
Caesar and the tribunes, all the more exasperated by this,
endeavored to create him further trouble, and for this purpose
proposed a law for calling Pompey home with his army, to put an
end to Cicero's usurpation. But it was a very great advantage for
Cicero and the whole commonwealth that Cato was at that time one
of the tribunes. For he, being of equal power with the rest, and
of greater reputation, could oppose their designs. He easily
defeated their other projects, and, in an oration to the people,
so highly extolled Cicero's consulate, that the greatest honors
were decreed him, and he was publicly declared the Father of his
Country, which title he seems to have obtained, the first man who
did so, when Cato applied it to him in this address to the people. At this time, therefore, his authority was very great in the city;
but he created himself much envy, and offended very many, not by
any evil action, but because he was always lauding and magnifying
himself. For neither senate, nor assembly of the people, nor court
of judicature could meet, in which he was not heard to talk of
Catiline and Lentulus. Indeed, he filled his books and writings
with his own praises, to such an excess as to render a style, in
itself most pleasant and delightful, nauseous and irksome to his
hearers. This ungrateful humor, like a disease, always clove to
him. Still, though fond of his own glory, he was very free from
envying others, but was, on the contrary, most liberally profuse
in commending both the ancients and his contemporaries, as any one
may see in his writings. He called Aristotle a river of flowing
gold, and said of Plato's Dialogues, that if Jupiter were to
speak, it would be in language like theirs. He used to call
Theophrastus his special luxury. And being asked which of
Demosthenes's orations he liked best, he answered, "The longest."
And as for the eminent men of his own time, either in eloquence or
philosophy, there was not one of them whom he did not, by writing
or speaking favorably of him, render more illustrious. An example of his love of praise is the way in which sometimes, to
make his orations more striking, he neglected decorum and dignity.
When Munatius, who had escaped conviction by his advocacy,
immediately prosecuted his friend Sabinus, he said in the warmth
of his resentment, "Do you suppose you were acquitted for your own
merits, Munatius, or was it not that I so darkened the case, that
the court could not see your guilt?" When from the Rostra he had
made a eulogy on Marcus Crassus, with much applause, and within a
few days after again as publicly reproached him, Crassus called to
him, and said, "Did not you yourself two days ago, in this same
place, commend me?" "Yes," said Cicero, "I exercised my eloquence
in declaiming upon a bad subject." At another time, Crassus had
said that no one of his family had ever lived beyond sixty years
of age, and afterwards denied it, and asked, "What should put it
into my head to say so?" "It was to gain the people's favor,"
answered Cicero; "you knew how glad they would be to hear it."
When Vatinius, who had swellings in his neck, was pleading a
cause, he called him the tumid orator; and having been told by
some one that Vatinius was dead, on hearing soon after that he was
alive, he said, "may the rascal perish, for his news not being
true." Upon Caesar's bringing forward a law for the division of the lands
in Campania amongst the soldiers, many in the senate opposed it;
amongst the rest, Lucius Gellius, one of the oldest men in the
house, said it should never pass whilst he lived. "Let us postpone
it," said Cicero, "Gellius does not ask us to wait long." There
was a man of the name of Octavius, suspected to be of African
descent. He once said, when Cicero was pleading, that he could not
hear him; "yet there are holes," said Cicero, "in your ears." When
Metellus Nepos told him that he had ruined more as a witness than
he had saved as an advocate, "I admit," said Cicero, "that I have
more truth than eloquence." To a young man who was suspected of
having given a poisoned cake to his father, and who talked largely
of the invectives he meant to deliver against Cicero, "Better
these," replied he, "than your cakes." Publius Sextius, having
amongst others retained Cicero as his advocate in a certain cause,
was yet desirous to say all for himself, and would not allow
anybody to speak for him; when he was about to receive his
acquittal from the judges, and the ballots were passing, Cicero
called to him, "make haste, Sextius, and use your time; to-morrow
you will be nobody." He cited Publius Cotta to bear testimony in a
certain cause, one who affected to be thought a lawyer, though
ignorant and unlearned; but when Cotta had said, "I know nothing
at all about the matter," Cicero answered: "You think, perhaps, we
are asking you about a point of law." When Marcus Appius, in the
opening of some speech in a court of justice, said that his friend
had desired him to employ industry, eloquence, and fidelity in
that cause, Cicero asked, "And how have you had the heart not to
accede to any one of his requests?" One Clodius, whom Cicero had vehemently opposed in an important
trial, having got himself chosen one of the tribunes, immediately
attacked Cicero, endeavoring to incite everybody against him. The
common people he gained over with popular laws; to each of the
consuls he decreed large provinces, to Piso, Macedonia, and to
Gabinius, Syria. Of the three men then in greatest power, Crassus
was Cicero's open enemy, Pompey indifferently made advances to
both, and Caesar was going with an army into Gaul. To him, though
not his friend, Cicero applied, requesting an appointment as one
of his lieutenants in the province. Caesar accepted him, and
Clodius, perceiving that Cicero would thus escape his tribunician
authority, professed to be inclinable to a reconciliation, made
always a favorable mention of him, and addressed him with kind
expressions, as one who felt no hatred or ill-will, but who merely
wished to urge his complaints in a moderate and friendly way. By
these artifices, he so freed Cicero of all his fears, that he
resigned his appointment to Caesar, and betook himself again to
political affairs. At which Caesar being exasperated, joined the
party of Clodius against him, and wholly alienated Pompey from
him; he also himself declared in a public assembly of the people,
that he did not think Lentulus and Cethegus, with their
accomplices, were fairly and legally put to death without being
brought to trial. And this, indeed, was the crime charged upon
Cicero, and this impeachment he was summoned to answer. And so, as
an accused man, and in danger for the result, he changed his
dress, and went round with his hair untrimmed, in the attire of a
suppliant, to beg the people's grace. But Clodius met him in every
corner, having a band of abusive and daring fellows about him, who
derided Cicero for his change of dress and his humiliation, and
often, by throwing dirt and stones at him, interrupted his
supplication to the people. However, first of all, almost the whole equestrian order changed
their dress with him, and no less than twenty thousand young
gentlemen followed him with their hair untrimmed, and supplicating
with him to the people. And then the senate met, to pass a decree
that the people should change their dress as in time of public
sorrow. But the consuls opposing it, and Clodius with armed men
besetting the senate-house, many of the senators ran out, crying
aloud and tearing their clothes. But this sight moved neither
shame nor pity; Cicero must either fly or determine it by the
sword with Clodius. He entreated Pompey to aid him, who on purpose
had gone out of the way, and was staying at his country-house in
the Alban hills; and first he sent his son-in-law Piso to
intercede with him, and afterwards set out to go himself. But
Pompey being informed, would not stay to see him, being ashamed at
the remembrance of the many conflicts in the commonwealth which
Cicero had undergone in his behalf, and how much of his policy he
had directed for his advantage. But being now Caesar's son-in-law,
at his instance he had set aside all former kindness, and,
slipping out at another door, avoided the interview. Thus being
forsaken by Pompey, and left alone to himself, he fled to the
consuls. Gabinius was rough with him, as usual, but Piso spoke
more courteously, desiring him to yield for a while to the fury of
Clodius, and to await a change of times, and to be now, as before,
his country's savior from the peril of these troubles and
commotions which Clodius was exciting. Cicero, receiving this answer, consulted with his friends.
Lucullus advised him to stay, as being sure to prevail at last;
others to fly, because the people would soon desire him again,
when they should have enough of the rage and madness of Clodius.
This last Cicero approved. But first he took a statue of Minerva,
which had been long set up and greatly honored in his house, and
carrying it to the capitol, there dedicated it, with the
inscription, "To Minerva, Patroness of Rome." And receiving an
escort from his friends, about the middle of the night he left the
city, and went by land through Lucania, intending to reach Sicily. But as soon as it was publicly known that he was fled, Clodius
proposed to the people a decree of exile, and by his own order
interdicted him fire and water, prohibiting any within five
hundred miles in Italy to receive him into their houses. Most
people, out of respect for Cicero, paid no regard to this edict,
offering him every attention, and escorting him on his way. But at
Hipponium, a city of Lucania, now called Vibo, one Vibius, a
Sicilian by birth, who, amongst may other instances of Cicero's
friendship, had been made head of the state engineers when he was
consul, would not receive him into his house, sending him word
that he would appoint a place in the country for his reception.
Caius Vergilius, the praetor of Sicily, who had been on the most
intimate terms with him, wrote to him to forbear coming into
Sicily. Cicero, thoroughly disheartened at these things, went to
Brundusium, whence he put forth with a prosperous wind, but a
contrary gale blowing from the sea carried him back to Italy the
next day. He put again to sea, and having reached Dyrrachium, on
his coming to shore there, it is reported that an earthquake and a
convulsion in the sea happened at the same time, signs which the
diviners said intimated that his exile would not be long, for
these were prognostics of change. Although many visited him with
respect, and the cities of Greece contended with each other in
honoring him, he yet continued disconsolate, like an unfortunate
lover, often casting his looks back upon Italy; and, indeed, he
had become more humiliated and dejected by his misfortunes than
any one could have expected in a man who had devoted so much of
his life to study and learning. And yet he often desired his
friends not to call him orator, but philosopher, because he had
made philosophy his business, and had only used rhetoric as an
instrument for attaining his objects in public life. Clodius, having thus driven away Cicero, fell to burning his farm-
buildings and villas, and afterwards his city house, and built on
the site of it a temple to Liberty. The rest of his property he
exposed for sale by daily proclamation, but nobody came to buy. By
this course he became formidable to the noble citizens, and, being
followed by the commonalty, whom he had filled with insolence and
licentiousness, he began at last to try his strength against
Pompey, some of whose arrangements in the countries he conquered,
he attacked. The disgrace of this made Pompey begin to reproach
himself for his cowardice in deserting Cicero, and, changing his
mind, he now wholly set himself with his friends to contrive his
return. And when Clodius opposed it, the senate made a vote that
no public measure should be ratified or passed by them till Cicero
was recalled. But when Lentulus was consul, the commotions grew so
high upon this matter, that the tribunes were wounded in the
Forum, and Quintus, Cicero's brother, was left as dead, lying
unobserved amongst the slain. The people began to change in their
feelings; and Annius Milo, one of their tribunes, was the first
who had the courage to summon Clodius to trial for acts of
violence. Many of the common people in Rome and the neighboring
cities formed a party with Pompey, who headed them in person,
drove Clodius out of the Forum, and summoned the people to pass
their vote. And, it is said, the people never passed any suffrage
more unanimously than this. The senate, also, striving to outdo
the people, sent letters of thanks to those cities which had
received Cicero with respect in his exile, and decreed that his
house and his country-places, which Clodius had destroyed, should
be rebuilt at the public charge. Thus Cicero returned sixteen months after his exile, and the
cities were so glad, and the people so zealous to meet him, that
his boast, that Italy had brought him on her shoulders home to
Rome, was rather less than the truth. And Crassus himself, who had
been his enemy before his exile, went voluntarily to meet him, and
was reconciled, as he said, to please his son Publius, who was
Cicero's affectionate admirer. Cicero had not been long at Rome, when, taking the opportunity of
Clodius's absence, he went, with a great company, to the capitol,
and there tore and defaced the tribunician tables, in which were
recorded the acts done in the time of Clodius. And on Clodius
calling him in question for this, he answered, that he, being of
the patrician order, had obtained the office of tribune against
the law, and, therefore, nothing done by him was valid. Cato was
displeased at this, and opposed Cicero, not that he commended
Clodius, but rather disapproved of his whole administration; yet,
he contended, that it was an irregular and violent course for the
senate to vote the illegality of so many decrees and acts,
including those of Cato's own government in Cyprus and at
Byzantium. This occasioned a breach between Cato and Cicero,
which, though it did not come to open enmity, made a more reserved
friendship between them. After this, Milo killed Clodius, and, being arraigned for the
murder, he procured Cicero for his advocate. The senate, fearing
lest the questioning of so eminent and high-spirited a citizen as
Milo might disturb the peace of the city, committed the
superintendence of this and of the other trials to Pompey, who
should undertake to maintain the security alike of the city and of
the courts of justice. Pompey, therefore, went in the night, and
occupying the high grounds about it, surrounded the Forum with
soldiers. Milo, fearing lest Cicero, being disturbed by such an
unusual sight, should conduct his cause the less successfully,
persuaded him to come in a litter into the Forum, and there rest
till the judges had taken their seats, and the court was filled.
For Cicero, it seems, not only wanted courage in arms, but, in his
speaking also, began with timidity, and in many cases scarcely
left off trembling and shaking when he had got thoroughly into the
current and the substance of his speech. Once when he had to
defend Licinius Murena against the prosecution of Cato, being
eager to outdo Hortensius, who had made his plea with great
applause, he took so little rest the night before, and was so
disordered with thought and over-watching, that he spoke much
worse than usual. And so now, on quitting his litter to commence
the cause of Milo, at the sight of Pompey, encamped, as it were,
with his troops, and seeing arms shining round about the Forum, he
was so confounded that he could hardly begin his speech, for the
trembling of his body and hesitancy of his tongue; whereas Milo,
meantime, was so bold and intrepid in his demeanor, that he
disdained either to let his hair grow, or to put on the mourning
habit. And this, indeed, seems to have been the principal cause of
his condemnation. And Cicero was thought not so much to have shown
timidity for himself, as anxiety about his friend. When the outbreak between Caesar and Pompey came, Cicero wavered
painfully between both, for he writes in his epistles, "To which
side should I turn? Pompey has the fair and honorable plea for
war; and Caesar, on the other hand, has managed his affairs
better, and is more able to secure himself and his friends. So
that I know whom I should fly from, not whom I should fly to." But
when Trebatius, one of Caesar's friends, by letter signified to
him that Caesar thought it was his most desirable course to join
his side, but if he considered himself too old a man for this, he
would do better to retire into Greece, and stay quietly there, out
of the way of either party, Cicero, wondering that Caesar had not
written himself, replied angrily that he should do nothing
unbecoming his past life. But as soon as Caesar had marched into Spain, he immediately
sailed away to join Pompey. And he was welcomed by all but Cato;
who, taking him privately aside, chid him for coming to Pompey. As
for himself, he said, it would have been indecent to forsake that
part in the commonwealth which he had chosen from the beginning;
but Cicero might have been more useful to his country and friends,
if, remaining neutral, he had attended and used his influence to
moderate the result, instead of coming hither to make himself,
without reason or necessity, an enemy to Caesar, and a partner in
such great dangers. By this language, Cicero's feelings were
altered, and partly, also, because Pompey made no great use of
him. Although he was himself really the cause of it, by his not
denying that he was sorry he had come, by his deprecating Pompey's
resources, finding fault underhand with his counsels, and
continually indulging in jests and sarcastic remarks on his
fellow-soldiers. After the battle of Pharsalia was over, at which he was not
present for want of health, and Pompey had fled, Cato, having
considerable forces and a great fleet at Dyrrachium, would have
had Cicero commander-in-chief, according to law, and the
precedence of his consular dignity. But on his refusing the
command, and wholly declining to take part in their plans for
continuing the war, he was in the greatest danger of being killed,
young Pompey and his friends calling him traitor, and drawing
their swords upon him; only that Cato interposed, and with
difficulty rescued and brought him out of the camp. Afterwards, arriving at Brundusium, he tarried there some time in
expectation of Caesar, who was delayed by his affairs in Asia and
Egypt. And when it was told him that he had arrived at Tarentum,
and was coming thence by land to Brundusium, he hastened towards
him, not altogether without hope, and yet in some fear of making
experiment of the temper of an enemy and conqueror in the presence
of many witnesses. But there was no necessity for him either to
speak or do anything unworthy of himself; for Caesar, as soon as
he saw him coming a good way before the rest of the company, went
forward to meet him, saluted him, and, leading the way, conversed
with him alone for some furlongs. And from that time on he
continued to treat him with honor and respect, so that, when
Cicero wrote an oration in praise of Cato, Caesar, in writing an
answer to it, took occasion to commend Cicero's own life and
eloquence, comparing him to Pericles and Teramenes. Cicero's
oration was called "Cato"; Caesar's, "Anti-Cato." So also, it is related that when Quintus Ligarius was prosecuted
for having been in arms against Caesar, and Cicero had undertaken
his defence, Caesar said to his friends, "Ligarius, without
question, is a wicked man and an enemy. But why might we not as
well once more hear a speech from Cicero?" yet when Cicero began
to speak, he wonderfully moved him, and proceeded in his speech
with such varied pathos, and such a charm of language, that the
color of Caesar's countenance often changed, and it was evident
that all the passions of his soul were in commotion. And when at
length, the orator touched upon the Pharsalian battle, he was so
affected that his whole frame trembled and some of the papers he
held dropped out of his hands. And thus he was overpowered, and
acquitted Ligarius. Henceforth, the commonwealth being changed into a monarchy, Cicero
withdrew himself from public affairs, and employed his leisure in
instructing those young men that wished, in philosophy; and by the
near intercourse he thus had with some of the noblest and highest
in rank, he again began to possess great influence in the city.
The work which he set himself to do was to compose and translate
philosophical dialogues and to render logical and physical terms
into the Roman idiom. For he it was, as it is said, who first or
principally gave Latin names to technical Greek terms, which,
either by metaphors or other means of accommodation, he succeeded
in making intelligible to the Romans. For his recreation, he
exercised his dexterity in poetry, and when he was set to it,
would make five hundred verses in a night. He spent the greatest
part of his time at his country-house near Tusculum. He had a design, it is said, of writing the history of his
country, combining with it much of that of Greece, and
incorporating in it all the stories and legends of the past that
he had collected. But his purposes were interfered with by various
public and various private unhappy occurrences and misfortunes;
for most of which he was himself in fault. For first of all, he
put away his wife, Terentia, by whom he had been neglected in the
time of the war, and sent away destitute of necessaries for his
journey; neither did he find her kind when he returned into Italy,
for she did not join him at Brundusium, where he staid a long
time, and would not allow her young daughter, who undertook so
long a journey, decent attendance, or the requisite expenses;
besides, she left him a naked and empty house, and yet had
involved him in many and great debts. These were alleged as the
fairest reasons for the divorce. But Terentia, who denied them
all, had the most unmistakable defence furnished her by her
husband himself, who not long after married a young maiden for the
love of her beauty, as Terentia upbraided him; or as Tiro, his
emancipated slave, has written, for her riches, to discharge his
debts. For the young woman was very rich, and Cicero had the
custody of her estate, being left guardian in trust; and being in
debt many myriads of money, he was persuaded by his friends and
relations to marry her, notwithstanding their disparity of age,
and to use her money to satisfy his creditors. Antony, who
mentions this marriage in his answer to the Phillippics,
reproaches him for putting away a wife with whom he had lived to
old age; adding some happy strokes of sarcasm on Cicero's
domestic, inactive, unsoldier-like habits. Not long after this
marriage, his daughter died at Lentulus's house, to whom she had
been married after the death of Piso, her former husband. The
philosophers from all parts came to comfort Cicero; for his grief
was so excessive, that he put away his newly-married wife, because
she seemed to be pleased at the death of Tullia. He had no concern in the design that was now forming to kill
Caesar, although, in general, he was Brutus's confidant. But as soon as the act was committed by Brutus and Cassius, and
the friends of Caesar had assembled, so that there was danger of
another civil war, Antony, being consul, convened the senate, and
made a short address recommending concord. And Cicero, following
with various remarks such as the occasion called for, persuaded
the senate to imitate the Athenians, and decree an amnesty for
what had been done in Caesar's case, and to bestow provinces on
Brutus and Cassius. But neither of these things took effect. For
as soon as the common people, who were naturally inclined to pity,
saw the dead body of Caesar borne through the market-place, and
Antony showing his clothes stained with blood, and pierced through
in every part with swords, they were enraged to such a degree of
frenzy, that they made a search for the murderers, and with
firebrands in their hands ran to their houses to burn them. Antony at this was in exultation, and every one was alarmed at the
prospect that he would make himself sole ruler, and Cicero more
than any one else. For Antony, seeing his influence reviving in
the commonwealth, and knowing how closely he was connected with
Brutus, was ill-pleased to have him in the city. Besides, there
had been some former jealousy between them, occasioned by the
difference of their manners. Cicero, fearing the event, was
inclined to go as lieutenant with Dolabella into Syria. But
Hirtius and Pansa, consuls-elect as successors of Antony, good men
and lovers of Cicero, entreated him not to leave them, undertaking
to put down Antony if he would stay in Rome. And he, neither
distrusting wholly, nor trusting them, let Dolabella go without
him, promising Hirtius that he would go and spend his summer at
Athens, and return again when he entered upon his office. So he
set out on his journey; but some delay occurring in his passage,
new intelligence, as often happens, came suddenly from Rome, that
Antony had made an astonishing change, and was managing the public
affairs in harmony with the will of the senate, and that there
wanted nothing but his presence to bring things to a happy
settlement. Therefore, blaming himself for his cowardice, he
returned to Rome, and was not deceived in his hopes at the
beginning. For such multitudes flocked out to meet him, that the
compliments and civilities which were paid him at the gates, and
at this entrance into the city, took up almost a whole day's time. On the morrow, Antony convened the senate, and summoned Cicero
thither. But he kept his bed, pretending to be ill from his
journey; but the true reason seemed to be the fear of some design
against him, upon a suspicion and intimation given him on his way
to Rome. Antony, however, showed great offence at the affront, and
sent soldiers, commanding them to bring him or burn his house; but
many interceding and supplicating for him, he was contented to
accept sureties. Ever after when they met, they passed one another
in silence, and continued on their guard, till the younger Caesar
(Augustus), coming from Apollonia, entered on the first Caesar's
inheritance, and was engaged in a dispute with Antony about two
thousand five hundred myriads of money, which Antony detained from
the estate. Upon this, Philippus, who married the mother, and Marcellus, who
married the sister of young Caesar, came with the young man to
Cicero, and agreed with him that Cicero should give them the aid
of his eloquence and political influence with the senate and
people, and Caesar give Cicero the defence of his riches and arms.
For the young man had already a great party of the soldiers of
Caesar about him. And Cicero's readiness to join him was founded,
it is said, on some yet stronger motives; for it seems, while
Pompey and Caesar were yet alive, Cicero, in his sleep, had
fancied himself engaged in calling some of the sons of the
senators into the capitol, Jupiter, according to the dream, being
about to declare one of them the chief ruler of Rome. The
citizens, running up with curiosity, stood about the temple, and
the youths, sitting in their purple-bordered robes, kept silence.
On a sudden the doors opened, and the youths, arising one by one
in order, passed round the god, who reviewed them all, and, to
their sorrow, dismissed them; but when this one was passing by,
the god stretched forth his right hand and said, "O ye Romans,
this young man, when he shall be lord of Rome, shall put an end to
all your civil wars." It is said that Cicero formed from his dream
a distinct image of the youth, and retained it afterwards
perfectly, but did not know who it was. The next day, going down
into the Campus Martius, he met the boys returning from their
gymnastic exercises, and the first was he, just as he had appeared
to him in his dream. Being astonished at it, he asked him who were
his parents. And it proved to be this young Caesar, whose father
was a man of no great eminence, Octavius, and his mother, Attia,
Caesar's sister's daughter; for which reason, Caesar, who had no
children, made him by will the heir of his house and property.
From that time, it is said that Cicero studiously noticed the
youth whenever he met him, and he as kindly received the civility;
and by fortune he happened to be born when Cicero was consul. These were the reasons spoken of; but it was principally Cicero's
hatred of Antony, and a temper unable to resist honor, which
fastened him to Caesar, with the purpose of getting the support of
Caesar's power for his own public designs. For the young man went
so far in his court to him, that he called him Father; at which
Brutus was so highly displeased, that, in his epistles to Atticus
he reflected on Cicero saying, it was manifest, by his courting
Caesar for fear of Antony, he did not intend liberty to his
country, but an indulgent master to himself. Notwithstanding,
Brutus took Cicero's son, then studying philosophy at Athens, gave
him a command, and employed him in various ways, with a good
result. Cicero's own power at this time was at the greatest height
in the city, and he did whatsoever he pleased; he completely
overpowered and drove out Antony, and sent the two consuls,
Hirtius and Pansa, with an army, to reduce him; and, on the other
hand, persuaded the senate to allow Caesar the lictors and ensigns
of a praetor, as though he were his country's defender. But after
Antony was defeated in battle, and the two consuls slain, the
armies united, and ranged themselves with Caesar. And the senate,
fearing the young man, and his extraordinary fortune, endeavored
by honors and gifts, to call off the soldiers from him, and to
lessen his power; professing there was no further need of arms,
now Antony was put to flight. This gave Caesar a fright, and he privately sent friends to
entreat Cicero to procure the consular dignity for them both
together; saying that he should manage the affair as he pleased,
should have the supreme power, and govern the young man who was
only desirous of name and glory. And now, more than at any other time, Cicero let himself be
carried away and deceived, though an old man, by the persuasions
of a boy. He joined him in soliciting votes, and procured the
good-will of the senate, not without blame at the time on the part
of his friends; and he, too, soon enough after, saw that he had
ruined himself, and betrayed the liberty of his country. For the
young man, once established, and possessed of the office of
consul, bade Cicero farewell; and reconciling himself with Antony
and Lepidus, joined his power with theirs, and divided the
government, like a piece of property, with them. Thus united, they
made a schedule of above two hundred persons who were to be put to
death. But the greatest contention in all their debates was on the
question of Cicero's case. Antony would come to no conditions,
unless he should be the first man to be killed. Lepidus held with
Antony, and Caesar opposed them both. They met secretly and by
themselves, for three days together, near the town of Bononia. The
spot was not far from the camp, with a river surrounding it.
Caesar, it is said, contended earnestly for Cicero the first two
days; but on the third day he yielded, and gave him up. The terms
of their mutual concessions were these; that Caesar should desert
Cicero, Lepidus his brother Paulus, and Antony, Lucius Caesar, his
uncle by his mother's side. Thus they let their anger and fury
take from them the sense of humanity, and demonstrated that no
beast is more savage than man, when possessed with power
proportioned to his rage. While these things were contriving, Cicero was with his brother at
his country-house near Tusculum; whence, hearing of the
proscriptions, they determined to pass to Astura, a villa of
Cicero's near the sea, and to take shipping from there for
Macedonia to Brutus, of whose strength in that province news had
already been heard. They traveled together in their separate
litters, overwhelmed with sorrow; and often stopping on the way
till their litters came together, condoled with one another. But
Quintus was the more disheartened, when he reflected on his want
of means for his journey; for, as he said, he had brought nothing
with him from home. And even Cicero himself had but a slender
provision. It was judged therefore most expedient that Cicero
should make what haste he could to fly, and Quintus return home to
provide necessaries, and thus resolved, they mutually embraced,
and parted with many tears. Quintus, within a few days after, was betrayed by his servants to
those who came to search for him, and slain, together with his
young son. But Cicero was carried to Astura, where, finding a
vessel, he immediately went on board of her, and sailed as far as
Circaeum with a prosperous gale; but when the pilots resolved
immediately to set sail from there, whether he feared the sea, or
did not wholly lose faith in Caesar, he went on shore, and passed
by land a hundred furlongs, as if he was going to Rome. But losing
resolution and changing his mind, he again returned to the sea,
and there spent the night in fear and perplexity. Sometimes he
resolved to go into Caesar's house privately, and there kill
himself upon the altar of his household gods, to bring divine
vengeance upon him; but the fear of torture restrained him. And
after passing through a variety of confused and uncertain
counsels, at last he let his servants carry him by sea to Capitae,
where he had a house, an agreeable place to retire to in the heat
of summer, when the Etesian winds are so pleasant. There was at that place a chapel of Apollo, not far from the sea-
side, from which a flight of crows rose with a great noise, and
made towards Cicero's vessel as it rowed to land, and lighting on
both sides of the yard, some croaked, others pecked the ends of
the ropes. This was looked upon by all as an evil omen; and,
therefore, Cicero went again ashore, and entering his house, lay
down upon his bed to compose himself at rest. Many of the crows
settled about the window, making a dismal cawing; but one of them
alighted upon the bed where Cicero lay covered up, and with its
bill, little by little pecked off the clothes from his face. His
servants, seeing this, blamed themselves that they should stay to
be spectators of their master's murder, and do nothing in his
defence, while the brute creatures came to assist and take care of
him in his undeserved affliction; and therefore, partly by
entreaty, partly by force, they took him up, and carried him in
his litter toward the sea-side. But in the meantime the assassins had come with a band of
soldiers--Herennius, a centurion, and Popillius, a tribune, whom
Cicero had formerly defended when prosecuted for the murder of his
father. Finding the door shut, they broke them open, and when
Cicero did not appear and those within said they did not know
where he was, it is stated that a youth, who had been educated by
Cicero in the liberal arts and sciences, an emancipated slave of
his brother Quintus, Philologus by name, informed the tribune that
the litter was on its way to the sea through the close and shady
walks. The tribune, taking a few with him, ran to the place where
he was to come out. And Cicero, perceiving Herennius running in
the walks, commanded his servants to set down the litter; and
stroking his chin, as he used to do, with his left hand, he looked
steadfastly upon his murderers, his person covered with dust, his
beard and hair untrimmed, and his face worn with his troubles. So
that the greatest part of those that stood by covered their faces
whilst Herennius slew him. And thus was he murdered, stretching
forth his neck out of the litter, being now in his sixty-fourth
year. Herennius cut off his head, and, by Antony's command, his
hands also, by which his Philippics were written; for so Cicero
styled those orations he wrote against Antony, and so they are
called to this day. When these members of Cicero were brought to Rome, Antony was
holding an assembly for the choice of public officers; and when he
heard it, and saw them, he cried out, "Now let there be an end of
our proscriptions." He commanded his head and hands to be fastened
up over the Rostra, where the orators spoke; a sight which the
Roman people shuddered to behold, and they believed they saw there
not the face of Cicero, but the image of Antony's own soul. A long time after, Augustus, when visiting one of his daughter's
sons, found him with a book of Cicero's in his hand. The boy for
fear endeavored to hide it under his gown; but Caesar took it from
him, and turning over a great part of the book standing, gave it
to him again, and said, "My child, this was a learned man, and a
lover of his country." And immediately after he had vanquished
Antony, being then consul, he made Cicero's son his colleague in
the office; and, under that consulship, the senate took down all
the statues of Antony, and abolished all the other honors that had
been given him, and decreed that none of that family should
thereafter bear the name of Marcus; and thus the final acts of the
punishment of Antony were, by the divine powers, devolved upon the
family of Cicero.
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